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cs
10-24-2008, 07:15 AM
The Speech that got JFK killed? (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xhZk8ronces)

Or so they say.

This should be a perfect time and thread for Mark to share his wisdom. What is this secert society that JFK refers to? Or is it more along the lines of reinforcing and defining the role of the press as pertains to keeping the goverment honest?

Chad

Mrleft8
10-24-2008, 07:27 AM
Secret.
And perhaps you are looking too closely Chad....Stand back a few steps and see the whole picture, not just one small part.

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 07:32 AM
In a word Banksters. Throughout history the power to coin is the power to destroy. We finally succumbed in 1913 with the creation of the privately owned Federal Reserve and its Collection agent the IRS.
Kennedy learned this early in his presidency and I think when he decided on this speech, the executive orders to abolish the Fed and return the control of coining back to congress and the treasury he sealed his fate. Its funny how Johnson set early to rescind those orders and began the creation of the Nanny State under the guise of the great society.



"We are the children of concrete and steel
This is the place where the truth is concealed
This is the time when the lie is revealed
Everything is possible, but nothing is real"

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 08:00 AM
I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. (Thomas Jefferson, US President; 1743 - 1826)

cs
10-24-2008, 08:00 AM
Sorry about the mis-spelling there Doug.

But I was trying to see that as the big picture. That is what made me think that JFK speaking before the American Newspaper Publishers Association, that maybe he was catering his speech to them and bringing to the forefront their role in protect us from ourselves.

Mark I'm not sure I buy into what you state. Sure most issues if you follow the money therin lies the answer, but in this literal case of following the money I think maybe not.

Chad

Tom Montgomery
10-24-2008, 08:07 AM
President Kennedy gave this speech on April 27, 1961, less than two weeks after the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion.

The title of the speech is "The President and the Press." It was given at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City to the American Newspaper Publishers Association.

He was contrasting open American society to the closed societies of the Soviet Union and other communist countries. He went on to highlight and praise the role of the press in informing the American people. This was a President who was being roasted for his Cuban adventure.

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 08:11 AM
Believe what you will, time will tell. If you find soon somewhere down the road what I am saying finally makes sense don't shut up about it.
Make sure the children understand as it will be up to them to set things right unless the religious are right and Jesus returns.

Someday soon those who have ignored or made fun of this will come to understand and I patiently wait for the outcome if I make it that far. The young see it and understand as their minds are still somewhat uncluttered from the bull****e we have been taught to blind us.

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 08:15 AM
Military-Industrial Complex Speech, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1961


Public Papers of the Presidents, Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1960, p. 1035- 1040
My fellow Americans:
Three days from now, after half a century in the service of our country, I shall lay down the responsibilities of office as, in traditional and solemn ceremony, the authority of the Presidency is vested in my successor.
This evening I come to you with a message of leave-taking and farewell, and to share a few final thoughts with you, my countrymen.
Like every other citizen, I wish the new President, and all who will labor with him, Godspeed. I pray that the coming years will be blessed with peace and prosperity for all.
Our people expect their President and the Congress to find essential agreement on issues of great moment, the wise resolution of which will better shape the future of the Nation.
My own relations with the Congress, which began on a remote and tenuous basis when, long ago, a member of the Senate appointed me to West Point, have since ranged to the intimate during the war and immediate post-war period, and, finally, to the mutually interdependent during these past eight years.
In this final relationship, the Congress and the Administration have, on most vital issues, cooperated well, to serve the national good rather than mere partisanship, and so have assured that the business of the Nation should go forward. So, my official relationship with the Congress ends in a feeling, on my part, of gratitude that we have been able to do so much together.
II.
We now stand ten years past the midpoint of a century that has witnessed four major wars among great nations. Three of these involved our own country. Despite these holocausts America is today the strongest, the most influential and most productive nation in the world. Understandably proud of this pre-eminence, we yet realize that America's leadership and prestige depend, not merely upon our unmatched material progress, riches and military strength, but on how we use our power in the interests of world peace and human betterment.
III.
Throughout America's adventure in free government, our basic purposes have been to keep the peace; to foster progress in human achievement, and to enhance liberty, dignity and integrity among people and among nations. To strive for less would be unworthy of a free and religious people. Any failure traceable to arrogance, or our lack of comprehension or readiness to sacrifice would inflict upon us grievous hurt both at home and abroad.
Progress toward these noble goals is persistently threatened by the conflict now engulfing the world. It commands our whole attention, absorbs our very beings. We face a hostile ideology -- global in scope, atheistic in character, ruthless in purpose, and insidious in method. Unhappily the danger is poses promises to be of indefinite duration. To meet it successfully, there is called for, not so much the emotional and transitory sacrifices of crisis, but rather those which enable us to carry forward steadily, surely, and without complaint the burdens of a prolonged and complex struggle -- with liberty the stake. Only thus shall we remain, despite every provocation, on our charted course toward permanent peace and human betterment.
Crises there will continue to be. In meeting them, whether foreign or domestic, great or small, there is a recurring temptation to feel that some spectacular and costly action could become the miraculous solution to all current difficulties. A huge increase in newer elements of our defense; development of unrealistic programs to cure every ill in agriculture; a dramatic expansion in basic and applied research -- these and many other possibilities, each possibly promising in itself, may be suggested as the only way to the road we wish to travel.
But each proposal must be weighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in and among national programs -- balance between the private and the public economy, balance between cost and hoped for advantage -- balance between the clearly necessary and the comfortably desirable; balance between our essential requirements as a nation and the duties imposed by the nation upon the individual; balance between actions of the moment and the national welfare of the future. Good judgment seeks balance and progress; lack of it eventually finds imbalance and frustration.
The record of many decades stands as proof that our people and their government have, in the main, understood these truths and have responded to them well, in the face of stress and threat. But threats, new in kind or degree, constantly arise. I mention two only.
IV.
A vital element in keeping the peace is our military establishment. Our arms must be mighty, ready for instant action, so that no potential aggressor may be tempted to risk his own destruction.
Our military organization today bears little relation to that known by any of my predecessors in peacetime, or indeed by the fighting men of World War II or Korea.
Until the latest of our world conflicts, the United States had no armaments industry. American makers of plowshares could, with time and as required, make swords as well. But now we can no longer risk emergency improvisation of national defense; we have been compelled to create a permanent armaments industry of vast proportions. Added to this, three and a half million men and women are directly engaged in the defense establishment. We annually spend on military security more than the net income of all United States corporations.
This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence -- economic, political, even spiritual -- is felt in every city, every State house, every office of the Federal government. We recognize the imperative need for this development. Yet we must not fail to comprehend its grave implications. Our toil, resources and livelihood are all involved; so is the very structure of our society.
In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the militaryindustrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.
We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted. Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense with our peaceful methods and goals, so that security and liberty may prosper together.
Akin to, and largely responsible for the sweeping changes in our industrial-military posture, has been the technological revolution during recent decades.
In this revolution, research has become central; it also becomes more formalized, complex, and costly. A steadily increasing share is conducted for, by, or at the direction of, the Federal government.
Today, the solitary inventor, tinkering in his shop, has been overshadowed by task forces of scientists in laboratories and testing fields. In the same fashion, the free university, historically the fountainhead of free ideas and scientific discovery, has experienced a revolution in the conduct of research. Partly because of the huge costs involved, a government contract becomes virtually a substitute for intellectual curiosity. For every old blackboard there are now hundreds of new electronic computers.
The prospect of domination of the nation's scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present


and is gravely to be regarded.

Yet, in holding scientific research and discovery in respect, as we should, we must also be alert to the equal and opposite danger that public policy could itself become the captive of a scientifictechnological elite.
It is the task of statesmanship to mold, to balance, and to integrate these and other forces, new and old, within the principles of our democratic system -- ever aiming toward the supreme goals of our free society.

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 08:16 AM
V.
Another factor in maintaining balance involves the element of time. As we peer into society's future, we -- you and I, and our government -- must avoid the impulse to live only for today, plundering, for our own ease and convenience, the precious resources of tomorrow. We cannot mortgage the material assets of our grandchildren without risking the loss also of their political and spiritual heritage. We want democracy to survive for all generations to come, not to become the insolvent phantom of tomorrow.
VI.
Down the long lane of the history yet to be written America knows that this world of ours, ever growing smaller, must avoid becoming a community of dreadful fear and hate, and be instead, a proud confederation of mutual trust and respect.
Such a confederation must be one of equals. The weakest must come to the conference table with the same confidence as do we, protected as we are by our moral, economic, and military strength. That table, though scarred by many past frustrations, cannot be abandoned for the certain agony of the battlefield.
Disarmament, with mutual honor and confidence, is a continuing imperative. Together we must learn how to compose differences, not with arms, but with intellect and decent purpose. Because this need is so sharp and apparent I confess that I lay down my official responsibilities in this field with a definite sense of disappointment. As one who has witnessed the horror and the lingering sadness of war -- as one who knows that another war could utterly destroy this civilization which has been so slowly and painfully built over thousands of years -- I wish I could say tonight that a lasting peace is in sight.
Happily, I can say that war has been avoided. Steady progress toward our ultimate goal has been made. But, so much remains to be done. As a private citizen, I shall never cease to do what little I can to help the world advance along that road.
VII.
So -- in this my last good night to you as your President -- I thank you for the many opportunities you have given me for public service in war and peace. I trust that in that service you find some things worthy; as for the rest of it, I know you will find ways to improve performance in the future.
You and I -- my fellow citizens -- need to be strong in our faith that all nations, under God, will reach the goal of peace with justice. May we be ever unswerving in devotion to principle, confident but humble with power, diligent in pursuit of the Nation's great goals.
To all the peoples of the world, I once more give expression to America's prayerful and continuing aspiration:
We pray that peoples of all faiths, all races, all nations, may have their great human needs satisfied; that those now denied opportunity shall come to enjoy it to the full; that all who yearn for freedom may experience its spiritual blessings; that those who have freedom will understand, also, its heavy responsibilities; that all who are insensitive to the needs of others will learn charity; that the scourges of poverty, disease and ignorance will be made to disappear from the earth, and that, in the goodness of time, all peoples will come to live together in a peace guaranteed by the binding force of mutual respect and love.

Saltiguy
10-24-2008, 08:20 AM
JFK and RFK messed around with a lot of the wrong people. Carlos Marcello, Sam Giancanna, JE Hoover, Aristotle Onassis and LBJ, just to name a few. It's no surprise they were killed.

Tom Montgomery
10-24-2008, 08:22 AM
Fidel Castro

Popeye
10-24-2008, 08:33 AM
marilyn monroe

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 08:57 AM
Now, see here, Mark:

I'm the one who usually posts President Eisenhower's farewell speech, in whole or in part. I can't claim copyright, but I do consider it my prerogative so far as the Bilge is concerned!

;)

I will not do it again:D

Uncle Duke
10-24-2008, 09:03 AM
Mark posted:

I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. (Thomas Jefferson, US President; 1743 - 1826)
Which is the first sentence of:

I believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. If the American people ever allow private banks to control the issue of their currency, first by inflation, then by deflation, the banks and corporations that will grow up around [the banks] will deprive the people of all property until their children wake-up homeless on the continent their fathers conquered. The issuing power should be taken from the banks and restored to the people, to whom it properly belongs.
Which is only interesting because, as pointed out on another thread, Thomas Jefferson never said or wrote that.

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 09:33 AM
Mark posted:

Which is the first sentence of:

Which is only interesting because, as pointed out on another thread, Thomas Jefferson never said or wrote that.

Cite please, As I understand some clear controversy surrounds your statement according to historians. I think anyone other than a total dolt would see what is clear from Jefferson's writings. Nice try but:

http://i30.photobucket.com/albums/c350/mudhutwarrior/10444.gif

Uncle Duke
10-24-2008, 10:23 AM
Cite please, As I understand some clear controversy surrounds your statement according to historians. I think anyone other than a total dolt would see what is clear from Jefferson's writings. Nice try but: {FAIL]
Or not.
You could try this page (http://wiki.monticello.org/mediawiki/index.php/Private_Banks_%28Quotation%29) at the Jefferson Library. They're pretty much the source of truth for his writings and speeches.
Bottom line? Not his. Thanks, though.

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 12:08 PM
Or not.
You could try this page (http://wiki.monticello.org/mediawiki/index.php/Private_Banks_%28Quotation%29) at the Jefferson Library. They're pretty much the source of truth for his writings and speeches.
Bottom line? Not his. Thanks, though.

Yeah, didn't think so.

http://i30.photobucket.com/albums/c350/mudhutwarrior/gotrythisft1.jpg

Uncle Duke
10-24-2008, 03:10 PM
Yeah, didn't think so.
I'm curious - if you didn't think it was correctly attributed to Thomas Jefferson, why did you post it as such?
Or do you have something else in mind? You asked for a citation, and one was supplied. You're disappointed at the citation itself? Just don't care?
Can't be that last one - you seem a little hostile about this....:D

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 03:23 PM
I'm curious - if you didn't think it was correctly attributed to Thomas Jefferson, why did you post it as such?
Or do you have something else in mind? You asked for a citation, and one was supplied. You're disappointed at the citation itself? Just don't care?
Can't be that last one - you seem a little hostile about this....:D


I am curious too. Where did you come up with Uncle Duke with the cartoon avatar? Do kids like that?

Uncle Duke
10-24-2008, 03:32 PM
Where did you come up with Uncle Duke with the cartoon avatar? Do kids like that?
You must have had a tough day - that's really not up to your normal sneering repartee. No snarky picture or anything. Get some rest - you'll feel better tomorrow.:D:D:D

Tylerdurden
10-24-2008, 03:34 PM
You must have had a tough day - that's really not up to your normal sneering repartee. No snarky picture or anything. Get some rest - you'll feel better tomorrow.:D:D:D

I feel fine, answer the question? Do you feel comfortable in schoolyards?

Uncle Duke
10-24-2008, 07:22 PM
Do you feel comfortable in schoolyards?
I feel comfortable pretty much anyplace - thanks for asking.
I appreciate your concern for my well-being - a very Christian/Liberal attitude. Thanks.:D

High C
10-24-2008, 09:43 PM
JFK and RFK messed around with a lot of the wrong people. Carlos Marcello, Sam Giancanna, JE Hoover, Aristotle Onassis and LBJ, just to name a few. It's no surprise they were killed.

Yep